323 to 330: From Crisis To Resurgence

323 to 330: From Crisis To Resurgence

The complete timeline of the movement from 323 to 330

The most pivotal events of the Sunflower Movement probably took place between March 23rd and March 30th, 2014. These include the moments in which the movement came most into crisis, during the attempted occupation of the Executive Yuan in the series of events remembered as “324” and the high point of the movement in which 500,000 Taiwanese citizens took to the streets for the demonstration remembered as “330”.

In line with the Taiwanese practice of sometimes referring to dates by the number of the month followed by the number of the day in the month (For example, an event which occurred on February 28th will be referred to as “228”), key dates of the movement will thereafter be referred to by number.


  • Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九) visits the occupation site to engage in dialogue with student leaders at approximately 10 AM, but talks also break down within 15 minutes. At 1 PM, NGO groups hold a press conference reiterating their demands.
  • 600 demonstrators gather outside of the KMT headquarters in Kaohsiung, with several dozen maintaining a sit-in there through the night.
  • 323 is mostly remembered as the beginning of the attempt to occupy the Executive Yuan. This was accomplished by gathering individuals in the NTU Department of Social Science, which served as a staging ground for preparing the attempt to charge the Executive Yuan. Three teams were formed as part of this, one to charge the front door, one to charge the side door, and one to charge the back door, and the charge took place around 7 PM of that night. Before the charge, participants’ cell phone numbers were entered into messaging system, in order that emergency messages could be sent back and forth. Each team had at least fifty people.
  • The original aim of the action was to try and clear police out of the Legislative Yuan, in order to establish contact between the inside and outside of the Legislative Yuan. However, this proved impossible so the decision was made to target the Executive Yuan instead. Those inside the Legislative Yuan, as well as surrounding forces such as the Alliance of Referendum for Taiwan, were aware of the plans beforehand, but the decision was made to distinguish the Legislative Yuan occupation from the Executive Yuan in case of backlash.

The occupied Executive Yuan premises. Photo credit: Brian Hioe
  • The front door team and side door team managed to get individuals into the Legislative, but this first led to individuals climbing over the razor wire fences to enter the Executive Yuan and then an large amount of people streaming into the premises of the Executive Yuan in an uncontrolled manner when the front gate of the Executive Yuan was thrown open. This led to 2,000 to 3,000 people surging into the premises of the Executive Yuan, which is thought to have later increased to 3,000 to 4,000 individuals by 9 PM.
  • The back door team does not manage to get anyone in and many of the participants surrounded and kettled by police, but students lie down on the ground to prevent the police from leaving and are backed up by over hundred members of the public who, in turn, surround the police. Police eventually relent and release the students who they have kettled after several, seeing as members of the public show no sign of backing down. A firsthand account from the author, who was a participant of the back door team, can be read here, although it was written originally under a pseudonym. 
  • At 7 PM, Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) issues a statement from the Legislative Yuan stating that he is unsure of the circumstances of the Executive Yuan occupation and who is responsible, but it is representative of anger by the people. Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) issues a warning at 9 PM for individuals to be careful due to the large police presence on-site. [1]

Police assembled outside the Executive Yuan. Photo credit: VOA
  • In truth, among the Legislative Yuan occupiers, there had been some confusion about the Executive Yuan occupation, which had been independently organized and which they had some idea about but were also in the dark about. The idea of attempting to occupy the Executive Yuan had been proposed by the occupiers of the Legislative Yuan as a way to escalate the movement, but the action was ultimately carried on from without, by members of the NTU Department of Social Sciences group who wanted to give the movement a new push. Some within the Legislative Yuan actually feared that the attempting occupation may have come from other political forces with an interest in hijacking or co-opting the movement, or damaging the movement’s reputation.
  • There were also reports during 324 itself of an attempt to occupy the Control Yuan by a group of students led by indigenous students, but this seems to have been a product of confusion in communication about which Yuan had been occupied, and those involved in this occupation attempt later moved to the Executive Yuan.

Occupiers within the Executive Yuan. Photo credit: VOA
  • Later on, it became an object of controversy among social activists themselves as to how the attempted Executive Yuan occupation had gotten out of control. Authorities made some attempts to hold Wei Yang (魏揚), the leader of the original version of the Black Island Youth Alliance, responsible as Wei Yang (魏揚) was seen holding a loudspeaker and director individuals during these events and is arrested around 5 AM. However, it seems likely that the events of 323 simply were an uncontrolled series of events that went out of control beyond their initial scope.
  • Reports of clashes between students who take issue with the Legislative Yuan occupation’s direction of the movement attempting to force themselves into the Legislative Yuan.
  • 15 academics including National Taiwan University’s College of Social Sciences dean Lin Hui-lin (林惠玲) issue statement condemning the KMT’s lack of transparency in its actions. The sociology departments of National Tsing Hua University and National Taiwan University declare that there will no classes that week in support of students occupying the legislature.
  • Wei Yang (魏揚) issues a statement at 9:30 that if the police spill any student’s blood, this will be on the hands of the Ma administration. [2]


  • Riot police in the Legislative Yuan began to try and violently force individuals out of the Executive Yuan around 11:45 PM, with six hundred being evicted, and 23 students arrested.
  • At this point, approximately 200 police are stationed outside of the Executive Yuan.   Riot shields and batons were used. The next wave of police activity came at 1:30 AM, with 300 more individuals driven out. At 1:50 AM, Tsai Ing-Wen (蔡英文), Su Tseng-Chang (蘇貞昌), Frank Hsieh (謝長廷), and Yu Shyi-Kun (游錫堃), all heavyweights of the DPP, arrived to request police not to use force on student demonstrators.

Occupiers entering the Executive Yuan through a second floor window. Photo credit: tomscy2000/Flickr/CC
  • Then at 2:00 AM, another wave of riot police activity took place, with 200 protesters forced out of the Executive Yuan, many beaten bloody. High pressure water cannons began to be fired at 4:26 AM by two water trucks, marking the one of the few times since the end of martial law that high pressure water cannons had been fired on a crowd.
  • A total of 61 arrests were made during the night of 324, with 36 individuals prosecuted. Reports also came in of medical attention being denied to students by the police. Over 5,000 riot police were present on site, deployed from all across Taiwan. Over 150 were injured due to police violence. [3] By 5:10 AM, 100 students remain in the Executive Yuan premises, with the last escorted out at 5:23, shouting “Oppose the CSSTA! Protect democracy!” [4]
  • Online campaign begins for individuals to change their Facebook profiles to black in response to police violent. Other variants appear, including one with an image of Taiwan and the words “Never give up”.
  • Translation group for the Sunflower Movement is formed, which grows rapidly from 5 individuals to 140 individuals. [5]
  • After the events of 324, an investigation working group would be formed by National Taiwan University sociology department Ph. D student Lin Chuan-Kai (林傳凱), who been one of the organizers of the Department of Social Sciences group and whose research involved the White Terror. This group conducted over 60 interviews and produced a report on the events of 324, released on the two year anniversary of 324 in 2016. This investigation group, in part, sought to gather facts about police violence for future legal evidence, in cooperation with the Judicial Reform Foundation, and ultimately was critical of what it viewed as state violence in its report.
  • The Democracy at 4 AM crowdfunding effort is also initiated in the late night, calling on donations to spread word of events in Taiwan to the international world. By noon of the next day, they have achieved their goal.
  • The Association of Taiwan Journalists (台灣新聞記者協會) issues a condemnation of police for attacks on ten journalists attempting to cover events, as well as for attempting to push journalists out of the way to obstruct their view of events. The International Federation of Journalists later also joins this condemnation.

Police attacking protesters. The policeman in the center later became emblematic of the events of 324 because of his excessive use of violence, yet he was not identified by police. Stickers reading “Have you seen this man?” were later placed around Taipei. Photo credit: MrWiki321
  • The Internal Administration Committee of the Legislative Yuan and seven other committees hold meetings regarding the CSSTA. A unanimous vote takes place that the passage of the CSSTA and KMT report on the CSSTA’s effects are illegal. All KMT members are absent, leading the KMT to declare the meeting illegal.
  • At 4 PM, the Legislative Yuan occupiers, as represented by Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) and Lin Fei-fan (林飛帆) held a press conference condemning the use of police violence on students.
  • The Taipei District Prosecutors’ Office requests permission from the Taipei District Court to detain Wei Yang (魏揚) for questioning, with the view that Wei is the mastermind of the Executive Yuan occupation, although Wei states that he was not one of the original participants in the attempted occupation, having only learned of that online while on a bus from Hsinchu to Taipei.
  • Directors Giddens Ko (柯景騰), Lin Cheng-sheng (林正盛), Yang Ya-che (楊雅?), Chen Yu-hsun (陳玉勳), Umin Boya, and others criticize the actions of the Ma administration on social media.
  • Students from 50 major colleges call for a student strike until the CSSTA is repealed.
  • Business leaders from the General Chamber of Commerce, Acer, Delta Group, and others continue to call for the CSSTA to be passed, the General Chamber of Commerce declaring that it will organize public hearings on the issue.

Man injured by police violence. Photo credit: Democracy at 4am
  • The Financial Supervisory Commission claims that the Taiwan Stock Exchange has had share losses of share losses of 533.7 billion NT since the occupation began as a result of anxiety about the CSSTA failing to pass, a loss of 154 point on the benchmark index.
  • Cross-party talks held in the afternoon but break down around 5 PM.
  • Executive Yuan Deputy Secretary-General Hsiao Chia-chi (蕭家淇) complains that students who had gotten into his office ate his suncakes. A Facebook event us made March 24th entitled “I Return Your Dessert, You Return My Rights” (甜點還給你 權力還給我), with netizens shipping over 150 boxes of suncakes to Hsiao.
  • The events of 324, as the night’s events of 323’s night and the early morning of 324 came to be collectively known as, proved shocking for many, as an incident in which the state used violence against the populace on a mass scale on the largest scale since the end of martial law. Compared to police force in other parts of the world, Sunflower movement demonstrators may have gotten off mildly. Nevertheless, for a society in which the police are normally expected to be the shepherds of public order, it proved shocking to many that police were fully willing to use violence on the populace—and that, just days after proving willing to shrug off democratic process altogether in order to pass its political will into law, the Ma administration was willing to use violence against the populace.

Injured demonstrator. Photo credit: VOA
  • Jiang Yi-Hua (江宜樺), who as premier was head of the Executive Yuan, was particularly viewed as responsible for the police violence used against demonstrators by many because of the influence he had over police actions of the Executive Yuan as its head. This later led to a lawsuit being filed against him for attempted murder by those who felt victimized by the actions of police that night. Jiang holds a press conference at 11 AM stating his version of the events, criticizing media for focusing upon police violence when the actions of police were justified, and stating that he and Ma are open to talks, yet claiming that the students’ demands are ever-changing.
  • But while in retrospect, 324 is remembered as the unjust use of police violence against students, at the time the events happened, many individuals in Taiwanese saw the use of violence as justified. Namely, some saw the Sunflower Movement as simply just so many unruly youth disrupting society as anti-social elements. Or that, while the Legislative Yuan occupation may have been justified, the Executive Yuan occupation had crossed a line. Even among the occupiers themselves, this was sometimes the view. It was actually later on that views of 324 shifted in a much more positive direction, perhaps illustrating a starkly conservative undercurrent to Taiwanese society too accepting of police or governmental authority.
  • Due to the fact that the occupation was, in fact, planned separately from the Legislative Yuan occupation, with initially mixed verdicts on the attempted occupation, it may have been luck that the Legislative Yuan occupation was disconnected enough from the attempted Executive Yuan occupation that the attempted Executive Yuan occupation did not become discrediting of the main occupation or the movement as a whole.

Protester injured by a water cannon. Photo credit: MrWiki321
  • As a reaction to 324, US House Committee on Foreign Affairs Chairman Ed Royce and US Senator Sherrod Brown, a member of the Congressional Taiwan Caucus, urge the Ma administration to seek a peaceful resolution to protests. Solidarity marches are held in Washington DC and London in solidarity with the movement.


  • Following the tumultuous events of 324, funds needed to be raised to bail out jailed protesters, which was accomplished by funds contributed by the Taiwan Association of University Professors (台灣教授協會). Contributions to students from the Internet which totalled 7,600,000, were used to take out half page ads in the Apple Daily (蘋果日報) and Liberty Times (自由時報) explaining why students were demonstrating.
  • Wei Yang (魏揚) is released without bail. 
  • A middle-aged man pours gasoline on himself at the Legislative Yuan encampment and threatens to self-immolate himself but is restrained in time. Later at night, 16 members of a motorcycle gang, suspected perhaps to be part of Chang An-lo (張安樂)’s China Unification Promotion Party (中華統一促進黨), are arrested after throwing flares into the encampment. They are found to be carrying an improvised explosive device.
  • At the occupation site, sticky notes are placed over parked television vans in demonstration of how they have covered recent events of the movement.

Legislative Yuan on 325. Photo credit: Brian Hioe
  • In response to the Democracy at 4 AM ad, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs states that representative offices overseas do not plan to run ads in support of the CSSTA, but will pass on information representative of the ROC government’s views to local governments.
  • Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九) invites students to conduct dialogue, without any prior conditions. Ker Chien-Ming (柯建銘) states that the DPP will wait to see the results of this discussion before seeing whether cross-party consultations are needed after cross-party talks, held at Wang Jinpyng’s (王金平) home, break down for a second time.
  • Surveillance industry experts gather on-site and set up ten security cameras for the occupation encampment using the Skywatch system. [6]
  • Speeches in occupied legislature by director Wu Yi-Leng (吳乙峰), Ko Yi-Zheng (柯一正), Chen Yu-Xun (陳玉勳), Lin Zhengsheng (林正盛), author Li Ang (李昂), singer Chen Ming-Zhang (陳明章). [7]
  • Tsai Ing-Wen (蔡英文) responds against allegations claiming that student leaders as Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) and Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) worked on her campaign in the past.
  • A press conference held at 3 PM by Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) and Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) again reiterating the demands of students and stressing the need for a Cross-straits Oversight Bill. A press conference was also held at KMT speaker Wang Jinpyng (王金平) reiterating that the KMT would not budge on the issue of the CSSTA, which later led to criticism from Chen Wei-Ting that, following the September Political Conflict between Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九) and Wang Jinpyng (王金平), Ma was still using his position as chair of the KMT to suppress dissent within the KMT.

Photo credit: othree/Flickr/CC
  • Former KMT spokesperson Yang Wei-chung (楊偉中) criticizes the KMT for its violent actions against student demonstrators. Condemnations also take place within legislature from the DPP, TSU, and groups as the National Alliance of Taiwan Women’s Associations and the Awakening Foundation (婦女新知基金會). Lin Chin-yi (林靜儀), a member of the Executive Yuan’s gender equality committee, resigns in protest over the handling of 324.
  • Meetings take place between students in the Legislative Yuan and members of the Association of Taiwan Journalists to resolve issues regarding the supposed bias that students have against some media outlets.
  • 700 NTU students issue a letter criticizing Jiang Yi-Huah (江宜樺) for his actions.
  • The Chinese National Federation of Industries and 50 other business groups issue a joint letter calling for passage of the CSSTA.


  • Student and NGO represents announce their plans to organize the structure of the occupation, in an effort to streamline the decisionmaking process of the movement and provide a model of clear and transparent government, unlike the Ma administration. The core decisionmaking body consists of nine individuals, including Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆), Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷), Lai Chongqiang (賴中強) of the Taiwan Economic Democracy Union (經濟民主連合), Huang Kuo-Chang (黃國昌) of Academia Sinica (中央研究院), Lu Zhongjin (呂忠津) of the Taiwan Association of University Professors (台灣教授協會), Frida Tsai (蔡培慧) of the Taiwan Rural Front, and one representative of the Black Island Youth Alliance, alternating between Zeng Po-Yu (曾柏瑜), Lai Ping-Yu (賴品妤), Lai Yu-Fen (賴郁棻), Li Jun-Da (李俊達), Zhou Fu-Yi (周馥儀), and Shih Junting (施彥廷) of the media group, altogether five students and four NGO representatives.

  • A representative assembly is also formed, with twenty seats for students, with Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) and Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) each having a seat, three seats reserved for the Black Island Youth Alliance, and representatives of different working groups. NGOs would have ten seats on this assembly, with representatives from ten NGOs including the Taiwan Labor Front (台灣勞工陣線), Awakening Foundation (婦女新知基金會), Democratic People’s Front (人民民主陣線), Taiwan Democracy Watch (臺灣守護民主平台), Taiwan Association of Human Rights (婦女新知基金會), Taiwan Association of University Professors (台灣教授協會), Citizen’s Congress Watch (公民監督國會聯盟), Citizens of the Earth (地球公民基金會), Green Citizens’ Action Alliance (綠色公民行動聯盟), Citizen 1985. The majority of decisions are taken care of by this representative assembly, with the nine person decision-making only making emergency calls on March 30th, April 1st, and on April 6th.
  • National Taiwan University (國立臺灣大學) students hold memorial activities marking the birthday of former NTU president Fu Sinian, who was president of the university during the “46 Incident”, which occurred during the turmoil of the 228 Incident and was a major incident in the White Terror which began after 228. This is commentary on police beating students during 324, seeing as Fu refused to allow harm to come to students from National Taiwan University from the KMT authorities during the 46 Incident. [8]
  • At 3 PM, Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九) holds a press conference declaring that the CSSTA is not a “black box”, claiming that the oversight over the CSSTA was the “strictest” in history, but also states his willingness to engage in dialogue with students without any prior conditions and with this being openly broadcast. Students reject this, with responses on Facebook from Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆). Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) also stresses that this is not only a student movement, seeing as the movement also has the participation of over 133 civil society organizations.

The Legislative Yuan encampment on the night of 326. Photo credit: Brian Hioe
  • Some labor groups demonstrate outside the Ministry of Economic Affairs against the movement, calling for the “Quick restoration of order in the Legislative Yuan and swift passage of the CSSTA”.
  • Police officials deny wrongdoing during the forced eviction on 324. The DPP states that police should be held to account for their actions. Particularly controversy is a series of online postings by a Taichung-based police officer stating that police are ready to rape female student demonstrators and that protesters should be run down with cars.
  • The National Security Bureau denies wiretapping students within the Legislative Yuan.
  • The National Communications Commission issues a condemnation of academics critical of the CSSTA, stating that their claims are misleading and non-factual.
  • The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats issues a statement stating concern over events in Taiwan.
  • Merrill Lynch states that the current political crisis in Taiwan could possibly affect Taiwan’s GDP.
  • The Taiwan Association of University Professors issues a letter calling on Ma Ying-jeou to resign.
  • D-Street Deliberation On The Street soapbox talks begin to be held, originating from a deliberative democracy project which predated the Sunflower Movement.

Photo credit: hjw223/Flickr/CC
  • National Immigration Agency director-general Hsieh Li-kung (謝立功) denies rumor that Chinese citizens who invest more than 6 million NTD in Taiwan will be allowed to immigrate to Taiwan under the CSSTA.
  • The Pangcah Amis Defense Alliance, the Indigenous Peoples’ Action Coalition of Taiwan, and the Association for Taiwan Indigenous Peoples’ Policies issue a statement condemning the government’s Council of Indigenous Peoples’ for claiming that indigenous youth have organized demonstrations in favor of the CSSTA, that most indigenous would not be affected by the CSSTA because they work blue collar jobs, and for acting on behalf of the Ma administration in directly urging indigenous not to participate in demonstrations. Groups as the Aboriginal Youth Forum Against Service Trade Pact offered criticisms of the CSSTA and its effect on Taiwanese indigenous.
  • The second set of cross-party talks are held between the DPP and KMT regarding the CSSTA, but break down.


  • The staging round at the NTU Department of Social Sciences dissolves, following the backlash from the actions of 324, or possibly due to being pursued by media. At 3 PM, Lin Fei-Fan declares a rally to take place on March 30th on Ketagalan Boulevard at 1 PM, the first declaration of 330.
  • Lee Teng-Hui (李登輝) again urges Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) and Wang Jinpyng (王金平) to engage in dialogue with the student occupiers, citing his experience during the Wild Lily Movement.
  • Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九) announces at 5 PM that he is willing to engage in dialogue with students about all of their demands if they visit the presidential residence and that the KMT is open to backing down on some issues, but this is rejected in favor of the demonstration on March 30th.
  • NTU alumni from the NTU department of political science, where Jiang Yi-Huah (江宜樺) formerly taught, issue a letter calling on Jiang to step down for his actions and burn Jiang’s book, Essays on Liberalism and Democracy, outside the Legislative Yuan.

Island’s Sunrise being sun in the Legislative Yuan. Photo credit: twimi.net
  • 138 lawyers assemble at the Legislative Yuan site to provide support, dividing themselves into two working groups, one of which is to accompany students in the case of arrest, and the other of which is to provide notification. The Judicial Reform Foundation declares that it plans on filing a lawsuit against the government seeking compensation for the actions of 324.
  • Island’s Sunrise, which later becomes the “anthem” of the Sunflower Movement is first sung today within the Legislative Yuan. Island’s Sunrise was written by the indie band Fire EX in cooperation with National Taipei University of the Arts (國立臺北藝術大學) students, who helped write the lyrics. [9]
  • The most prominent of the splinter groups from the Sunflower Movement, Untouchables’ Liberation District, the so-called “movement within a movement”, is founded today as well.
  • Surveys released by the Taiwan Indicators Survey Research, Business Today, and Apple Daily, indicates that over 63.9% of the population approves of the Legislative Yuan occupation.
  • The Taiwan Counseling Psychologists Union urges students to be attentive to their mental health through the course of the occupation and also calls on the KMT to heed students’ demands.
  • The Ministry of Foreign Affairs states that it has held meetings with Taiwanese students in Europe organizing solidarity activities regarding the Sunflower Movement, expressing the views of the ROC government on the CSSTA.
  • The Mainland Affairs Council states that that China has not requested renegotiation on the CSSTA, following reports that China has indicated it will not accept renegotiation on the deal.

Photo credit: Charlie Chang/Flickr/CC
  • National Central University polling indicates that consumer confidence in Taiwan is down following the beginning of the occupation. Central bank governor Perng Fai-nan (彭淮南), a supporter of the CSSTA, also states that he believes the Taiwanese economy will lose momentum if it does not sign FTAs, as other Asian countries have done, such as the CSSTA.
  • Tsai Ing-Wen (蔡英文) denies claims by the KMT that she was the responsible official for the legal mechanism by which the CSSTA was sent to legislature instead of being reviewed.
  • Appeals for funding on PTT and other venues for the 330 mobilization. Some donations, even substantial ones, also come in anonymously through donation boxes at the Legislative Yuan.
  • Third cross-party talks between the KMT and DPP break down.
  • Hong Kong celebrities including Denise Ho (何韻詩), Chapman To (杜汶澤), and Anthony Wong (黃秋生) issue statements in support of the Sunflower Movement on social media. Rumors circulate of a boycott in China against celebrities that endorse the Sunflower Movement, such as To, Deserts Chang, or May Day.
  • Chinese netizens search for Taiwanese students in China who take a picture in front of a statue of Mao Zedong expressing support for the Sunflower Movement, prompting public outrage when this is shared on social media.


  • Jiang Yi-Huah (江宜樺) for the first time suggests that it is possible for a Cross-strait Oversight Bill to be passed for cross-strait bills, but remains adamant that the CSSTA should still be passed and that there will be no withdrawing on the matter, and that police actions on 324 were justified. Jiang comes under fire for citing false statistics regarding events on 324.

Photo credit: Brian Hioe
  • Wang Jinpyng (王金平) holds a press conference at 11 AM calling on the DPP to pass the CSSTA first then try to pass an oversight bill to monitor it.
  • 11 university presidents, along with Minister of Education Chiang Wei-Ling (蔣偉寧) and Academia Sinica president Wong Chi-Huei (翁啟惠) meet with president Ma Ying-Jeou in an attempt to conduct dialogue regarding the situation, which is held from 7 PM until 11 PM. Ma recommends a platform be established for dialogue with the students. [10]
  • Several KMT legislators, and affiliated groups hold a rally against the Sunflower Movement in the Chiang Kai-Shek Memorial (中正紀念館) from 3 to 5 PM.
  • Fourth cross-party talks between the KMT and DPP break down.
  • Controversy occurs within the movement due to an alleged meeting between Presidential Office deputy secretary-general Hsiao Hsu-tsen (蕭旭岑) and Huang Kuo-Chang (黃國昌) in a coffee shop, something some see as a secret backroom negotiating by Huang, with reports that Huang did not inform Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) or Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) about this meeting before it was reported upon by Storm Media.
  • Indigenous youth groups issue condemnations of the Council of Indigenous Affairs for downplaying the effects of the CSSTA on indigenous and calling on indigenous not to demonstrate against the CSSTA, demanding an apology from the Council of Indigenous Affairs and urging that public hearings to discuss the issue are held among indigenous communities.

Photo credit: billy1125/Flickr/CC


  • The Democracy at 4 AM ad in the New York Times is published today. Several of the university presidents who met with Ma Ying-Jeou (馬英九), who had been involved in the movement since the beginning, visit the occupation site. These are Wu Maw-Kuen (吳茂昆), president of National Dong Hwa University, Liang Kung-Yee (梁賡義), president of National Yang Ming University, and Yan-Hwa Wu Lee (吳妍華), president of National Chiao Tung University.

The Democracy at 4am ad. Photo credit: New York Times
  • KMT affiliated groups, including the the KMT Youth League and the White Justice Alliance (白色正義聯盟) hold a rally against the Sunflower Movement, calling on students to withdraw, and criticizing them for defying the law and troubling Taiwanese law enforcement. This draws 20,000 participants.
  • Ma Xiaoguang (馬曉光), spokesman of China’s Taiwan Affairs Office, downplays demonstrations and touts the benefits of the CSSTA in public statements.
  • Taiwan Securities Association announces support for the CSSTA, as does the American Chamber of Commerce in Kaohsiung. Securities consulting firms state that there has not been any short-term effects from the stalling of the bill so far, but that the bill may have long-term effects.
  • Discussion among candidates for Taipei mayor at a public forum about what the role of the DPP should in current protests, Wellington Ku (顧立雄) of the DPP stating that the DPP should play a leading role, Frank Hsieh (謝長廷) of the DPP stating that the DPP is currently too weak to do so, and independent candidate Ko Wen-Je (柯文哲) dissenting in stating that the DPP should allow students to take the lead in demonstrations.
  • The KMT states that legislative committees will reconvene despite the occupation the next day, ending the KMT’s boycott of legislature because of the occupation.
  • 2,000 police officers are deployed in Taipei in anticipation of demonstrations the following day.
  • Speeches in occupied legislature by White Terror victims.

Photo credit: tinru/Flickr/CC
  • The Ma administration states that it will not withdraw the CSSTA, but is willing to consider students’ other demands. Ma Ying-jeou (馬英九) gives a speech claiming that he has heard the demands of the students.
  • Fears are on the rise that the Ma administration is attempting to set a trap for students through attempts to hold secret talks with students which would necessarily be conducted in a non-public space, but then later revealing the contents of the talks, leading to a Facebook post from Huang Kuo-Chang (黃國昌) criticizing the Ma administration’s actions. This was a reaction to leaks regarding a secret meeting between members of the Presidential Office and former president Lee Teng-Hui (李登輝), who appears to have tried and interceded on behalf of students.
  • A press conference is held by students at 4 PM, announcing the plans for the rally the next day, and calling on all participants to wear black.
Primary Sources


  • The large-scale rally planned for today begins at 1 PM, with speeches by Lin Fei-Fan and Chen Wei-Ting. By 1:30 PM, there are 200,000 assembled on Ketagalan Boulevard, which has increased to 350,000 by 2:00 PM, and reaches 500,000 by 3:30 PM. Speeches are also held by Huang Kuo-Chang and Freddy Lim (林昶佐). The rally ends promptly at 7:45 PM as planned.

Photo credit: tinru/Flickr/CC
  • With a total mobilization capacity of 500,000 people, some 2% of the entire Taiwanese population, this would be the high point of the movement and among the largest demonstrations in Taiwanese history. With regard to student movements, this would almost certainly be the largest demonstration for a student in Taiwanese history.
  • Chen Wei-Ting (陳為廷) and Lin Fei-Fan (林飛帆) receive police protection through the day due to threats that student occupiers have received on their cell phones and unconfirmed information. A man attempts to throw a picture frame at a car that Chen is in.
  • Lee Teng-Hui (李登輝) issues public statement praising the student participants of the Sunflower Movement.
  • Ministry of National Defense dispatches special forces to guard the Presidential Office Building during demonstrations but denies they were carrying weapons.
  • Vice Minister of Economic Affairs Woody Duh (杜紫軍) declares that the Ministry of Economic Affairs will hold presentations at universities educating about the government’s view of the CSSTA.

Photo credit: othree/Flickr/CC
  • Flower grower Huang Meng-sheng (黃盟生) donates 200,000 sunflowers to the occupation, estimated at 1 million NTD in value. Seeing as he is unable to make it himself, he opens his farm to students and lets them harvest the sunflowers
  • Tainan farmer Yang Yu-fan (楊宇帆) drives to Taipei with a truckload of pineapples for occupiers, later stating that he was subsequently harassed by police when images of him driving with his pineapples went viral on social media.
  • China’s Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits expresses that it would be regrettable if the CSSTA does not pass.
  • DPP heavyweights such as Tsai Ing-Wen (蔡英文) and Su Tseng-Chang (蘇貞昌) participate in the demonstrations, but DPP members noticeably avoid using campaign sloganeering or wearing party vests in the demonstration in order to avoid prior criticism.
  • Individuals of all ages, occupations, and backgrounds come together to protest peacefully and in an orderly fashion. However, in retrospect, one also what would have happened had demonstrators not withdrawn in such an orderly fashion, but refused to withdraw until their demands were met. 330 could have potentially been a revolution, if so. 

Photo credit: Toomore Chiang/Flickr/CC
  • MV for Island’s Sunrise released online
  • Solidarity activities for 330 are held in over 50 cities, in over 21 countries (革命的做法244). [12] This originally came together through organizing for overseas Taiwanese students online
  • 10,000 members of the pan-Blue camp demonstrate against the anti-CSSTA protest at Liberty Plaza. [13]
Primary Sources


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[1] NewsEForum 新聞e論壇. “Jishi xinwen de kaoyan” 即時新聞的考驗 in Jietou shoumen ren: Taida xinwen E luntan fan heixiang fu mao yundong baodao jishi 街頭守門人:台大新聞E論壇反黑箱服貿運動報導紀實. Acropolis Publishing 衛城出版, Taipei (2014). Print. P. 48.
[2] Ibid., 50.
[3] Lin Yiting 林怡廷. “Taibei zhi chun” 台北之春 in Public Intellectual 公共知識份子. Issue 7, July 2014. Public Intellectuals Publishing 公共知識份子出版社, Taipei (2014). Print. P. 39.
NewsEForum 新聞e論壇. “Jishi xinwen de kaoyan” 即時新聞的考驗 in Jietou shoumen ren: Taida xinwen E luntan fan heixiang fu mao yundong baodao jishi 街頭守門人:台大新聞E論壇反黑箱服貿運動報導紀實. Acropolis Publishing 衛城出版, Taipei (2014). Print. P. 48.
[5] Hong Zhenling 洪貞玲. “Hua fennu wei xiwang: Fan fu mao yundong zhong xin meiti shijian ji yiyi” 化憤怒為希望:反服貿運動中新媒體實踐及意義 
in Sunflower Movement, New Citizenry, and New Media 我是公民也是媒體:太陽花與新媒體實踐. Edited by Chen-Ling Hung 洪貞玲. Locus Publishing 大塊文化出版社, Taipei (2015). Print. P. 25.
Zhang Jinhua 張錦華. “Cong taiyang hua yungdong tan xin meiti, xin gongmin, xin minzhu” 從太陽花運動談新媒體、新公民、新民主 in Sunflower Movement, New Citizenry, and New Media 我是公民也是媒體:太陽花與新媒體實踐. Edited by Chen-Ling Hung 洪貞玲. Locus Publishing 大塊文化出版社, Taipei (2015). Print. P. 43.
Zhou Fuyi 周馥儀. “Taiyang hua yundong shiliao xiaozu, zhoufuyi kanjian”太陽花運動史料小組、周馥儀看見 in Cong women de yanjiang kanjian daoyu tianguang: Taiyang hua yundong, wo lai, wo kanjian 從我們的眼睛看見島嶼天光:太陽花運動,我來,我看見. Route Culture 有鹿文化, Taipei (2014). Print. P. 174.  
[8] Lin Huijin 林暉鈞. Geming de zuofa: Cong 318 taiyang hua kan gongmin yundong de chuangzaoxing 革命的做法:從318太陽花看公民運動的創造性. Psygarden 心靈工坊, Taipei (2015). Taipei. Print. P. 243.
[9] Ibid., 244.
Chen Ling 陳玲. Dangqian xingshi xia de taiwan xue yun yanjiu 當前形勢下的臺灣學運研究. Shi ying chuban she 時英出版社, Taipei (2015). Print. P. 6.
[11] Hao Mingyi
郝明義. “Yichang zhishi gaige de qidian” 一場知識改革的起點 in Sunflower Movement, New Citizenry, and New Media 我是公民也是媒體:太陽花與新媒體實踐. Edited by Chen-Ling Hung 洪貞玲. Locus Publishing 大塊文化出版社, Taipei (2015). Print. P. 12.
Lin Huijin 林暉鈞. Geming de zuofa: Cong 318 taiyang hua kan gongmin yundong de chuangzaoxing 革命的做法:從318太陽花看公民運動的創造性. Psygarden 心靈工坊, Taipei (2015). Taipei. Print. P. 244.
[13] Chen Ling 陳玲. Dangqian xingshi xia de taiwan xue yun yanjiu 當前形勢下的臺灣學運研究. Shi ying chuban she 時英出版社, Taipei (2015). Print. P. 6.


The mass mobilization on 330. Photo credit: Billy1125/Flickr/CC